Top 10 Pros and Cons on the Iraq War Debate
"Should the U.S. have attacked Iraq?"
The PRO and CON statements below give a five minute introduction to the debate on the U.S.-Iraq war.
(Read more information about our one star to five star Theoretical Credibility System.)

1. United Nations Resolutions Violations
2. Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction
3. Human Rights Concerns in Iraq
4. Possible Ties Between Iraq, al-Qaeda, and 9/11
5. Oil as a Reason for Invading Iraq
6. Legality of Preemptive Warfare
7. Iraq as a Threat to the United States
8. United Nations Involvement in the US-Led Attack
9. Possibility for Democracy in Iraq
10. Cost of the War

PRO Iraq War CON Iraq War
1. United Nations Resolutions Violations

PRO: "The United States has clear authority under international law to use force against Iraq under present circumstances.

The legal authority to use force to address Iraq's material breaches is clear. Nothing in UNSCR 1441 requires a further resolution, or other form of Security Council approval, to authorize the use of force. A 'material breach' of the cease-fire conditions is the predicate for use of force against Iraq. And there can be no doubt that Iraq is in 'material breach' of its obligations, as the Council reaffirmed in UNSCR 1441."

-- John Bellinger, III
Legal Adviser to the United States Secretary of State
Letter to the Council on Foreign Relations
April 10, 2003

CON: "The Security Council did agree to one resolution, UNSC Resolution 1441, that called on Iraq to disarm its weapons of mass destruction and cooperate with UN inspectors, but did not include an authorization for the use of force against Iraq. In Resolution 1441, the Security Council indicated that it would remain 'seized' of the matter, meaning that it continued to assert its authority as the final international arbiter of the use of force in the matter. When the US went back to the Security Council for a second and follow-up resolution to 1441, this one to provide authorization to proceed to war against Iraq, the Security Council refused to comply with the US demand for such authorization on the grounds that it wanted to give the UN inspectors more time to finish their work."

-- David Krieger
President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation
Organization article entitled "The War on Iraq as Illegal and Illegitimate"
March, 2005

2. Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction

PRO: "The point is that this document [UNMOVIC March 2003 Report] conclusively shows that Iraq had and still has the capability to manufacture these kinds of weapons, that Iraq had and still has the capability to manufacture not only chemical but biological weapons, and that Iraq had and still has literally tens of thousands of delivery systems, including increasingly capable and dangerous unmanned aerial vehicles."

-- Colin Powell
Former United States Secretary of State
Presentation to the United Nations Security Council
March 7, 2003

CON: "My view was that the best evidence that I had seen was that Iraq indeed had weapons of mass destruction. It turns out we were all wrong, probably, in my judgment, and that is most disturbing. I believe that the effort that has been directed to this point has been sufficiently intense; that it is highly unlikely that there were large stockpiles of deployed militarized chemical and biological weapons there."

-- David Kay
Former Special Advisor for Strategy regarding Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction Programs
Testimony before the United States Senate Armed Services Committee
January 28, 2004

3. Human Rights Concerns in Iraq

PRO: "It is fashionable to sneer at the moral case for liberating an Iraqi people long brutalized by Saddam's rule. Critics insist mere oppression was not sufficient reason for war, and in any case that it was not Bush's reason. In fact, of course, it was one of Bush's reasons, and the moral and humanitarian purpose provided a compelling reason for a war to remove Saddam... For the people of Iraq, the war put an end to three decades of terror and suffering. The mass graves uncovered since the end of the war are alone sufficient justification for it."

-- Robert Kagan  and William Kristol
Co-Founders of the Project for the New American Century
Project for the New American Century paper entitled "The Right War for the Right Reasons"
February 27, 2004

CON: "In considering the criteria that would justify humanitarian intervention, the most important, as noted, is the level of killing: was genocide or comparable mass slaughter underway or imminent? Brutal as Saddam Hussein's reign had been, the scope of the Iraqi government's killing in March 2003 was not of the exceptional and dire magnitude that would justify humanitarian intervention. We have no illusions about Saddam Hussein's vicious inhumanity.

There were times in the past when the killing was so intense that humanitarian intervention would have been justified... But on the eve of the latest Iraq war, no one contends that the Iraqi government was engaged in killing of anywhere near this magnitude, or had been for some time. 'Better late than never' is not a justification for humanitarian intervention, which should be countenanced only to stop mass murder, not to punish its perpetrators, desirable as punishment is in such circumstances."

-- Human Rights Watch
2004 Annual World Report
2004

4. Possible Ties Between Iraq, al-Qaeda, and 9/11

PRO: "Since we began after September 11th, we do have solid evidence of the presence in Iraq of al Qaeda members, including some that have been in Baghdad. We have what we consider to be very reliable reporting of senior level contacts going back a decade, and of possible chemical and biological agent training. And when I say contacts, I mean between Iraq and al Qaeda. The reports of these contacts have been increasing since 1998. We have what we believe to be credible information that Iraq and al Qaeda have discussed safe haven opportunities in Iraq, reciprocal nonaggression discussions. We have what we consider to be credible evidence that al Qaeda leaders have sought contacts in Iraq who could help them acquire weapon of -- weapons of mass destruction capabilities. We do have -- I believe it's one report indicating that Iraq provided unspecified training relating to chemical and/or biological matters for al Qaeda members. There is, I'm told, also some other information of varying degrees of reliability that supports that conclusion of their cooperation."

-- Donald Rumsfeld
Former United States Secretary of Defense
Testimony before the United States House Armed Services Committee
September 26, 2002

CON: "[Usama] Bin Ladin also explored possible cooperation with Iraq during his time in Sudan [1991-1994], despite his opposition to [Saddam] Hussein's secular regime. Bin Ladin had in fact at one time sponsored anti-Saddam Islamists in Iraqi Kurdistan. The Sudanese, to protect their own ties with Iraq, reportedly persuaded Bin Ladin to cease this support and arranged for contacts between Iraq and al Qaeda. A senior Iraqi intelligence officer reportedly made three visits to Sudan, finally meeting Bin Ladin in 1994. Bin Ladin is said to have requested space to establish training camps, as well as assistance in procuring weapons, but Iraq apparently never responded. There have been reports that contacts between Iraq and al Qaeda also occurred after Bin Ladin had returned to Afghanistan, but they do not appear to have resulted in a collaborative relationship. Two senior Bin Ladin associates have adamantly denied that any ties existed between al Qaeda and Iraq. We have no credible evidence that Iraq and al Qaeda cooperated on attacks against the United States."

-- National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (aka 9/11 Commission)
"Staff Statement No. 15: Overview of the Enemy"
June 16, 2004

5. Oil as a Reason for Invading Iraq

PRO: "I base that on the fact that there is $5 trillion worth of oil above and in the ground in Iraq, that individuals involved in the administration have been involved in the oil industry, that the oil industry certainly would benefit from having the administration control Iraq, and that the fact is that, since no other case has been made to go to war against Iraq, for this nation to go to war against Iraq, represents the strongest incentive.

I believe most sincerely that one of the motivating factors involved in this effort to strike against Iraq is the desire on the part of some to be at the control the oil interests in Iraq, I believe that."

-- Dennis Kucinich
U.S. Representative (D-OH)
Interview with NBC's Meet the Press
September 17, 2002

CON: "If it was a war for oil, we wouldn't have done it.

Because if you look at the consequences - Iraq is now producing less oil, it's more unstable, it has led to disruptions in the market. Even today, nine months later, Iraq is producing - and I don't have firsthand knowledge - less than two-thirds of what it was producing before the war.

So it just doesn't work for me. There has got to be another reason. I assume that the reason is global security."

-- Dave O'Reilly
Chairman, ChevronTexaco
Interview with the San Francisco Chronicle
December 21, 2003

6. Legality of Preemptive Warfare

PRO: "Almost since the moment that the [1945 UN Charter] was adopted, states have used force in circumstances that simply cannot be squared with the charter paradigm...

Given this historical record of violations, it seems very difficult to conclude that the charter framework is truly controlling of state practice, and if it is not controlling, it cannot be considered to reflect existing international law... For all practical purposes, the U.N. Charter framework is dead.

If this is indeed the case, then the Bush doctrine of preemption does not violate international law because the charter framework is no longer reflected in state practice."

-- Anthony Arend
Professor of Government and Foreign Service, Georgetown University
The Washington Quarterly article "International Law and the Preemptive Use of Military Force"
Spring 2003

CON: "We are teachers of international law. On the basis of the information publicly available, there is no justification under international law for the use of military force against Iraq.

The UN charter outlaws the use of force with only two exceptions: individual or collective self-defence in response to an armed attack and action authorised by the security council as a collective response to a threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression. There are currently no grounds for a claim to use such force in self-defence.

The doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence against an attack that might arise at some hypothetical future time has no basis in international law. Neither security council resolution 1441 nor any prior resolution authorises the proposed use of force in the present circumstances..."

-- Ulf Bernitz   Nicolas Espejo-Yaksic   Agnes Hurwitz   Vaughan Lowe   Ben Saul   Katja Ziegler   James Crawford   Susan Marks   Roger O'Keefe   Christine Chinkin   Gerry Simpson   Deborah Cass   Matthew Craven   Philippe Sands   Ralph Wilde   Pierre-Marie Dupuy
16 International Law Professors
"War Would Be Illegal," The Guardian
March 7, 2003

7. Iraq as a Threat to the United States

PRO: "The fact is that Iraq's weapons do pose a grave threat to international peace and security. It was in recognition of their singular menace, that the United Nations security council unanimously passed Security Council Resolution 1441 last November... We also have to differentiate between the threat posed by Iraq and other would-be proliferators. No other country shares Iraq's history of deploying chemical weapons in a war of aggression against a neighbor, or against innocent civilians as part of a genocidal campaign."

-- Jack Straw
Former United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
Remarks made to the International Institute for Strategic Studies
February 11, 2003

CON: "The stated reason for the war was that Saddam Hussein had developed weapons of mass destruction that posed a long-term threat to America. I never bought this argument. I didn't have any inside information. I simply assumed that whatever WMD Saddam possessed had to be, after a decade of sanctions, so limited that it was easily deterrable. There was absolutely nothing in Saddam's history to suggest that he was suicidal-that he had the capability or will to attack the United States directly and pay the price.

He was always deterrable and containable. This was always a war of choice."

-- Thomas Friedman
Author and Foreign Affairs Columnist, New York Times
Email published by Slate Magazine
January 12, 2004

8. United Nations Involvement in the US-Led Attack

PRO: "We've -- the president's done everything he could, gone the extra mile, to try to get this matter resolved through the United Nations. And -- but he's [G.W. Bush] made it abundantly clear that if the UN is not willing to enforce its own resolution, that we may then be left with no choice but for the United States and others who agree with us to proceed to -- to disarm Saddam Hussein. And we are prepared to do that. And, obviously, given where we are, both diplomatically, as well as in the -- in the region, we're getting close to the point where the president's going to have to make an important decision."

-- Dick Cheney
United States Vice President
Interview on CBS' Face the Nation
March 16, 2003

CON: "I think that under today's world order, the Charter is very clear on circumstances under which force can be used. I think the discussion going on in the Council is to ensure that the Security Council, which is master of its own deliberations, is able to pronounce itself on what happens. If the US and others were to go outside the Council and take military action it would not be in conformity with the Charter."

-- Kofi Annan
United Nations Secretary General
Speech to United Nations Security Council
March 10, 2003

9. Possibility for Democracy in Iraq

PRO: "This is a massive and difficult undertaking -- it is worth our effort, it is worth our sacrifice, because we know the stakes. The failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden terrorists around the world, increase dangers to the American people, and extinguish the hopes of millions in the region. Iraqi democracy will succeed -- and that success will send forth the news, from Damascus to Teheran -- that freedom can be the future of every nation. The establishment of a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will be a watershed event in the global democratic revolution."

-- George W. Bush
United States President
Remarks at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment of Democracy
November 6, 2003

CON: "The US is not the political, economic, and social model for every culture and every political system ... In most cases, economic and physical security; dealing with the educational and job problems created by demographic change, and creating basic human rights will be far more important than trying to rush towards 'democracy' in nations with no history of pluralism, no or weak moderate political parties, and deep religious and ethnic divisions ... The idea that the US can suddenly create examples of the kind of new political, economic, and social systems it wants in ways that will transform regions or cultures has always been little more than intellectual infantilism, and Iraq provides all the proof the US can ever afford to acquire."

-- Anthony H. Cordesman
Arleigh A. Burle Chair in Strategy for the Center of Strategic and International Studies
Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
May 19, 2004

10. Cost of the War

PRO: "The Congressional Budget Office estimates that the incremental costs of deploying a force to the Persian Gulf would be between $9 billion and $13 billion and that prosecuting a war would cost between $6 billion and $9 billion a month -- although we cannot estimate how long such a war may last.

After hostilities end, the costs to return U.S. forces to their home bases would range between $5 billion and $7 billion, CBO estimates...

"Further, the incremental cost of an occupation following combat operations would vary from about $1 billion to $4 billion a month."

-- U.S. Congressional Budget Office
Official estimate as ordered by the House Committee on International Relations
September 30, 2002

CON: "Wars are costly undertakings. They almost always cost more than government officials claim they will. Yale economist William D. Nordhaus has suggested that governments have an incentive to understate the costs of conflict because 'If wars are thought to be short, cheap, and bloodless, then it is easier to persuade the populace and the Congress to defer to the President'.

...when former White House economic advisor Lawrence Lindsey suggested to the Wall Street Journal in September of 2002 that a U.S. intervention in Iraq could cost about 2% of our gross domestic Product - roughly $200 billion - the White House quickly dismissed his estimate."

-- William Hartung
Director of The Arms Trade Resource Center at the World Policy Institute
Foreign Policy In Focus article "Iraq and The Cost of War"
March 3, 2004

PRO Iraq War CON Iraq War
TOP HOME | BACK